Are you happy with the reception you have received in the Louth constituency up until now?
Yes. Sinn Féin has held several public meetings in the constituency and will hold several more in this New Year. Thus far the response from everyone has been very positive and welcoming.
Did you know of Dermot Ahern’s illness before you decided to run, and did that influence your decision?
No.
What do you think of Dermot Ahern’s comments that there will be a large ‘Anyone but Adams’ vote’ in Louth?
I noticed that some on the social web sites quickly turned his ‘ABA’ back on him with ‘anyone but Ahern’. Truthfully I didn’t pay too much attention to his comments. It’s part of the cut and thrust of politics but I don’t do negative campaigning. The people of Louth and East Meath will determine who represents them in the next Dáil and I don’t believe anyone will be influenced by that sort of jibe. People are concerned about the state of the economy; their jobs or efforts to find employment; about cuts to their benefits; about the state of the schools their children are attending and all of the other more serious matters that affect people in their daily lives.
How will you deal with the transition from the political landscape in the north of Ireland, where partition is such a big issue, to the 26 counties, where more local issues dominate?
Sinn Féin is an all-island – all-Ireland party. In Louth we have a very strong local team of Councillors and a sitting TD, Arthur Morgan, all of whom have done an excellent job representing the party and our constituents. I am also the party leader and consequently I am already very familiar with the breadth of issues that exist in the south. I have been an elected representative in the north for over 25 years and have long experience in dealing with every issue conceivable on behalf of citizens there. That experience will transfer very easily into the south. I am also a team player and I plan to be part of the Sinn Féin team in County Louth and in Leinster House, if I get elected. So, the transition will not be that difficult.
The issue of partition is just as important for citizens in the south as it is in the north although some may not realise how damaging it is to their lives. Partition has had an adverse impact on all aspects of life on this island from the economy to politics to health care and education and much more. This is most obvious along the border counties.
I believe that getting rid of partition and of the tensions and competitions created by having two states on this island will be good for all the people of Ireland.
Sinn Féin have done well in recent years in border areas, as evidenced by Pearse Doherty’s recent win, how long do you envisage it will take for that progress to reach areas such as the West and the Midlands for example.
Sinn Féin is organisationally underdeveloped as a party in many parts of the south. We recognise that fact and much of our effort in recent years has gone into building the organisation and party capacity. That is a slow process. Already we have good local representatives in many parts of the state and the organisation is getting stronger but there are no short cuts to building a political party. It has to be from the ground up, rooted in communities and relevant to people in their daily lives.
Sinn Féin has consistently said they are not part of the ‘cosy consensus for cuts.’ How important do you think your Republican principles are in deciding where the axe should fall?
If you want to know what our core principles are then read our mission statement – the 1916 Proclamation.What is it about? It is about freedom and empowerment of citizens, and equality and inclusivity and sovereignty. It is about the nation – the whole nation – all 32 counties.
Our core republican principles and values are about citizens rights, fairness, equality, civil liberties, and equal opportunities. These guide us in every decision we take. These are Sinn Féin’s core values.
So, how do we translate all of this into a new type of politics? How do we make genuine republicanism relevant for citizens in 2011? Pearse Doherty spelt it out eloquently and passionately in his budget speech.
Sinn Féin is about defending public services, constructing a new and fairer tax system. We are about protecting the disabled and disadvantaged, as well as low and middle income earners. Our policies are about stimulating the economy and protecting and creating jobs; promoting the interests of our rural communities, including the promotion of the farming community and fishing industry.
And republicans are for a root and branch reform of this discredited political system. Decisions over the lives of our children and their future should not be surrendered to others. Citizens have the right to be involved in all these matters. And politicians and other public servants must be accountable to their peers.
All of this is an argument for republican systems of government; that is, systems in which the people are sovereign and equal. Such a society has to be tolerant. Society must reflect and include the entirety of its people, not part of them. Why should gender or sexual orientation be the basis for the exclusion of anyone? Or disability?
Why should race or class or skin colour or creed give one group of human beings the ability to deny other human beings their full rights or entitlements as citizens?
And if citizens have rights, why are they not all-encompassing rights? Should the right to the basics for life not include economic rights as well as political and social rights?
Sinn Féin believes that all human beings have the right, as a birthright, to be treated equally. To have the right to a job; to a home; to equal access to a health service that is free at the point of delivery; to equal access to education at all levels for all our children; and to a safe and clean environment.
A rights-based society – a true republic – requires citizens to fulfil their obligations for the common good. It also requires the state to inform all citizens of their rights, and to uphold and defend these rights.
The political system in the 26 counties needs completely overhauled and democratised, and all with an eye to advancing the all-Ireland institutions and structures that will benefit society on this island.
I believe that citizens are looking for a new kind of politics. A politics they can trust, that empowers and includes them. A politics that sets aside elites, doesn’t pander to the wealthy and seeks to build a new kind of Ireland.
For all of these reasons I believe there is no more important time; no more relevant time than this for republican politics and core republican values.
And it is these values that determined our pre-budget submission and our opposition to the consensus for cuts that has shaped the politics and policies of the other parties.
In the aftermath of the last general election Sinn Féin took a lot of criticism over their perceived lack of economic savvy, do you think such criticism was fair, and do you think this time round your economic policies can inspire public confidence?
I think you should look back to then and examine what Sinn Féin was saying at that time. We were warning that the wealth of the Celtic Tiger was not being used to build public services for the future, that it was not being used wisely.
We were proposing investment in health and education and infrastructure.
But our message was not one which fitted with the consensus economic politics of the other parties at that time which was about tax cuts and tax breaks for the wealthy.
Today the concerns we were expressing then have come to pass and the political and economic climate has changed. Pearse Doherty’s critique in the Dáil of the December budget was a tour de force and I believe that more and more citizens are examining carefully our economic proposals and like what they see.
It now seems that the party’s goal of achieving Irish unity by 2016 will not come to fruition. Are you still hopeful of achieving unity in your lifetime, or do you feel the political will amongst the other parties no longer exists?
The party’s primary political objective is to attain Irish reunification. I believe that it is a doable and achievable project. I want it to happen sooner rather than later.
The party never had a position of achieving this by 2016. It will happen when sufficient political and public support has been attained. Bear in mind that under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement the Government of Ireland Act was scrapped and replaced with a new constitutional arrangement. The British government is now committed to legislating for a United Ireland if a majority of citizens in the north want it.
That places a huge challenge before all of us who want Irish unity. We have to win support for it. We have to especially reach out to unionists. But we also need to make the border irrelevant by building on the all-Ireland dimensions of the Good Friday Agreement and harmonising relations between north and south.
In the North, it is apparent that the perception that a vote for Sinn Féin as a vote for the IRA has long since been dispelled. To what extent do you feel this is a perception which still exists in the South, and how damaging do you think that perception is?
The IRA cessation was 16 years ago. The IRA is gone, the British Army is no longer on our streets, the RUC has been replaced by a new accountable policing service and we have secured the transfer of powers on policing and justice. All of this is as a result of the hard work of many but in my opinion principally because of Sinn Féin’s peace strategy and our efforts through the peace process.
Republicans demonstrated enormous courage, tenacity, negotiation skill and ability in overcoming many, many difficulties during the peace process.
Sinn Féin brings those same talents to the process of change which is long overdue and now widely demanded in the south.
Co. Louth has in recent times become a hot bed for dissident republican activity. Do you think you may be able to wield your influence to help quell such activity?
I disagree with this view. County Louth is not a stronghold for or hot bed of so-called dissident activity. The vast majority of citizens in County Louth as in all parts of this island reject the activities of these groups. They have no popular support, no strategies to advance republican objectives and by their actions they damage the republican project. They should stop.
Sinn Fein has offered to meet the different organisations involved to outline to them our approach and its merits in achieving republican goals and to listen to their opinions and to discuss these. While one group said it was prepared to meet, thus far that has not happened and the others have refused to talk to us.
At a recent student march, there was an insightful banner which read, “If you think Education is expensive, try ignorance.” Does Sinn Féin stand in solidarity with students against the imposition of tuition fees, or is the money to continue to pay them simply not there?
Let me give you another quote; ‘Educate that you may be free’. Thomas Davis was a Young Irelander, an Irishman, a Protestant and a standard bearer for Irish people who struggled for an inclusive Irish identity irrespective of individual religion, class or creed. He believed that education was key to the future of the Irish nation.
The short answer to the first part of your question is yes. Sinn Féin does support students and is opposed to tuition fees. We believe that children and young people have the right to education up to and including third level.
Obviously, this is a college publication; do you ever regret not having the opportunity to experience university life yourself?
Yes, but not enough to distract me too much. Education is for life and every day I learn new things.
What is your message for young undecided voters in Trinity College, who are perhaps toying with the idea of voting for Sinn Féin?
I would obviously want as many students as possible to vote for Sinn Féin. The issue of ignorance and education which you raised in your earlier question applies as much to this issue. The key to deciding who to vote for is education and information. Look closely at the positions of all the parties. Read their policies. Examine their record of work. And then, with an informed view decide who to support. Sinn Féin’s web site at www.sinnfein.ieand www.unitingireland.ie and www.anphoblact.com contain our party positions on many issues and our published statements. I believe Sinn Féin offers a real, radical alternative to the staid politics of the other parties. But the decision who to vote for is yours.
If there was to be a Wikileak about Gerry Adams, what would you like it to say?
I have already had that experience prior to Christmas. It will be nice to read a Wikileaks story in 2025 that records my oft repeated belief that we will see a United Ireland in my lifetime came to pass.
